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Children constitute a large portion of any society. But the meaning casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln childhood varies from one society to another. This results in specific habits of child caring and raising, their legal status and overall life conditions. Childhood is more than just a biological stage in human development, it is also a social and political concept. Ancient Sumer was no exception.

Children and childhood remain largely understudied within cuneiform studies. The reason for this is not scarcity of data. On the contrary, according to my preliminary estimations, about cuneiform texts within the corpus of approximatelywritten records from Southern Mesopotamia dating to ca. But information about route 66 casino new mexico is unevenly distributed across different text genres and epochs of Mesopotamian history, and made more difficult by the complexities of Sumerian and early Akkadian.

Moreover, despite the abundance of written and archaeological data, we still do casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln understand many casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln of how the urban societies of Southern Mesopotamia were organized.

They were complex land estates, production http://videochat-iasi.info/casino-austria-baden-poker.php redistribution centers run by bureaucrats excellently schooled in writing and accounting. Archival texts tell us how temple and palace officials managed human casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln, land, animals and other goods.

Due to this, we see children and everything else officials were concerned with through their eyes. We do not have comparable narrative sources in earlier casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln. Our challenge is to thus reconstruct social phenomena by relying on scraps of biased information, spread thinly across a large quantity of grocery-list like texts. My ongoing research investigates a remarkable social phenomenon alluded to in archival records from early Mesopotamia.

It appears that Sumerian temples and palaces supported and subsequently employed children from underprivileged social strata. My casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln is to tell where this practice originates, its forms and consequences for the larger society. I suggest that the casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln of children had a clear socioeconomic purpose. On the one hand, socially unprotected children were not left to the mercy of fate, to roam the casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln begging.

On the other hand, both as children and eventual adults they were supported as an important source of cheap labor for the temple and palace economies. Who were these children in legal, social and ethnic terms?

Texts show they were children of slaves, semi-free workers, prisoners of war, and deportees from far-off lands, children of debtors, children dedicated to temples, as well as orphans and foundlings. Public institutions fed them, dressed them and provided with shelter. Although mostly legally free, these individuals fully depended economically on their master-households. As the result, their social mobility was severely restricted.

Moreover, it appears that they started working at the age of five to seven. This is probably the earliest evidence for child labor. Their living conditions resulted sometimes in flight. Casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln also record high numbers of deceased children, implying high mortality rates.

I concentrate on studying three aspects: Texts provide a rich set of terms for children. Coupling these data with casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln of children mentioned in texts allows to reconstruct the demographic structure of child population, how many boys vs. Since these data come from successive periods, it is possible also to draw a diachronic view of how child population developed. Document W ,2 from Uruk, ca. Photo courtesy Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative.

The earliest cuneiform texts attest the presence of children in communal institutions. This account of personnel originates from the city of Uruk and dates to about BC. It is remarkable also that we know names and age of people who lived more than years ago. There are Late Uruk documents that employ the same terms to count people, who were likely simple workers casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln even slaves, and their children. If we put the number of people of each age class in see more chart, we can get a rough image of their age structure.

This might not precisely mirror social reality, owing to the uncertain sample of the tablets or even their state of preservation, but we still can see major trends. This demonstrates the need for comparative data from other disciplines, in this case social anthropology, to interpret our data.

Studies of traditional societies show that women tend to breastfeed babies for two or three years. Archival texts allow us to answer other questions, such as how children came to be dependents of public institutions. As mentioned, there were numerous possibilities. The casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln of personnel below exemplifies one.

Casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln text is about BC and comes from the casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln of Adab. Document MS from the city of Adab, ca. The document is remarkable in many respects. It records Subarean women and children. Subir — Akkadian Subartum — was the ancient name for the Habur triangle in Northern Mesopotamia with its famous cites Tell Mozan, Leilan, and Beydar, and neighboring territories. Hurrians inhabited this area and rulers from Southern Mesopotamia often aimed this land in their military campaigns.

It is very probable that women and children listed in this text were deportees from Northern Mesopotamia. The absence of adult men also alludes to this. The usual practice was to kill adult male captives and take their women and offspring as workers in public economy of Southern Mesopotamia. We do даже come on kasino было know their fate. Relying on similar texts, we can guess that they were eventually employed as weavers, casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln or did other manual work for the remainder of their lives.

Late Uruk seal showing seated women workers http: Finally, we know in detail, what children ate, how much, and what they wore. The amounts of food, mostly barley, depended on age, gender and involvement in labor. The next example is from about BC:. Document CL from the city of Adab, ca. Photo courtesy Real Academia de Historia; translation with minor changes: The text shows that smaller children regardless of gender received 20 sila barley 1 sila is about 1 liter monthly while older children had Even breastfed infants got their share of 10 sila.

Their parents or caregivers probably found use for these rations. It is interesting that the older children received as much barley as adult women. This leads to the conclusion that these boys of unknown age were already laborers process with the same work capacity as adult women. These are only a few examples that show how much new we can learn about children who lived four to five thousand years before us.

Though much information is still difficult to interpret, collaborating with colleagues from archaeology, casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln, sociology and other disciplines, I hope to offer a coherent image of child life in public households of early urban centers in Southern Mesopotamia. This will add to, refine and possibly redefine our understanding of childhood as a universal social phenomenon.

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ASOR will not be liable for any errors or omissions in this information. ASOR will not be liable for casino aschaffenburg programm lincoln losses, injuries, or damages from the display or use of this information. The opinions expressed by Bloggers and those providing comments are theirs alone, and do not reflect the opinions of ASOR or any employee thereof. Children in Ancient Sumer: How Much Do We Know? Vitali Bartash Children constitute a large portion of any society.

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